New details of the corruption case involving Oleksiy Chernyshov: results of a journalistic investigation

Published the journalistic investigation of “Ukrainian Pravda” journalist Mykhailo Tkach reveals new circumstances and the political context of the corruption case, in the center of which was the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of National Unity of Ukraine Oleksiy Chernyshov. The material presents a broad picture of events, starting with internal conversations in power circles, and ending with specific investigative actions of anti-corruption bodies, which may have a resonant continuation.

The journalist begins with a story about a private conversation that took place a year ago between him and an influential deputy of the monomajority. According to this interlocutor, the idea of ​​appointing Chernyshov to the position of deputy prime minister was generally supported in the political environment, but its implementation was hindered by the risk of potential suspicion from NABU. The Cabinet of Ministers already had two government officials with suspicions — Olga Stefanishyna and Taras Vysotskyi. The appointment of one more minister who is at real risk of criminal prosecution could cause tension even among “clean” members of the government.

It was about Oleksiy Chernyshov, the former Minister of Community and Territorial Development and at that time the head of Naftogaz of Ukraine. Two weeks before this conversation, “Ukrainian Pravda” had already published an investigation, in which it was said that Chernyshov could become the object of searches within the framework of a criminal case about the alleged receipt of illegal benefits by him and his entourage from Serhiy Kopistira, an influential developer and owner of “KSM Group”. The court decision received by the law enforcement officers mentioned the involvement of officials of the Ministry of Regions in the possible illegal transfer of the Kopistiri land plot for the construction of a residential complex.

Within the framework of this case, one of the apartments in the complex built by Kopistira became the property of the wife of special service officer Vadym Marchuk. Marchuk himself was responsible for Chernyshov’s security in 2021-2022, when he headed the ministry. However, even despite the presence of a court order, the searches did not take place at that time. According to four sources at NABU and SAP, this was prevented by the influence of the head of NABU Semyon Krivonos, who had close personal ties with Chernyshov. A year before these events, “Ukrainian Pravda” recorded Chernyshov’s visit to the NABU building. After these facts were made public, both officials explained that the meeting was allegedly devoted to issues of transparency in the work of Naftogaz.

Despite all the mentioned risks, in December 2024, the Office of the President decided to return to the issue of Chernyshov’s personnel promotion. Extensive preparations were made for his transition from Naftogaz to the Cabinet. For this, they not only gathered votes in the parliament, but also created a special new ministry – the Ministry of National Unity of Ukraine. This innovation made it possible to legalize the position of the Deputy Prime Minister. In addition, the new role entailed regular visits abroad, which created legal grounds for Chernyshov’s long stay outside Ukraine — despite his appearance in NABU criminal proceedings.

In the first weeks after the appointment, according to the interlocutors of the UP, Chernyshov himself did not seem to have a clear idea of ​​what exactly he should be doing. His main activity was public meetings with Ukrainian refugees, which very quickly acquired signs of political agitation. The journalist emphasizes: in this process, it is important not only to understand the political weight of Chernyshov himself, but also to recognize his special position in the president’s entourage.

The journalist notes that although nowadays, according to UP sources among political leaders, Chernyshov himself is beginning to irritate Zelenskyi because of the corruption trail, the situation remains sensitive precisely because of the closeness of the suspect to the presidential entourage. That is why the authorities cannot simply distance themselves from this case. After all, this is the first case when such a high-ranking person from Zelenskyi’s team found himself at the center of a high-profile anti-corruption proceeding. Efforts being made to prevent a public attack on Bankova indicate that the matter is not only in the legal, but also in the political plane.

During the last week, when Chernyshov was in constant “work mode”, appearing every day in new countries and demonstrating activity in front of the cameras under the pretext of meetings with Ukrainian refugees, the situation around him significantly worsened in Ukraine. According to the journalist’s sources, it was during these days that “the earth began to burn” around the minister – however, only in his homeland, while he himself is abroad and does not publicly admit any problems with the law. As some deputies ironically say, Chernyshov actually became a “forcefully displaced person” – someone he should have taken care of according to the functions of his ministry. Others emphasize: the minister, whose task is to organize the voluntary return of Ukrainians home, is in no hurry to return himself. At least for now.

According to the UP, about a month ago, without public publicity, the NABU and SAP nevertheless conducted searches in the premises associated with Chernyshov. This happened almost a year after the court ruling allowing such actions. This sudden intensification of the case, according to the journalist, is perceived even within the anti-corruption bodies as a consequence of the intensification of the struggle between the key players in the president’s entourage — the head of the Office, Andriy Yermak, and Zelenskyi’s long-time associate, co-owner of Kvartal 95, Timur Mindich. The latter, as the investigation reminds, has a significant influence on the Cabinet.

Despite this, if we consider the case of Chernyshov on its merits, the journalist believes that the version of the political confrontation is not the main one. After all, as evidenced by the investigation materials, NABU detectives have been conducting targeted work in this case for a long time. Its start dates back to November 2023, when Serhiy Kopistira was detained for trying to bribe Chernyshov’s successor, the then Minister of Community Development Oleksandr Kubrakov. It was Kubrakov who cooperated with NABU, recording the bribery attempt.

The development of events acquired new dynamics in June 2025. On the night of June 10-11, Oleksiy Chernyshov left by train on a business trip to the Czech Republic. Almost at the same time with him, another figure in the case – Maksym Horbatyuk – went to the Polish border. He was detained at the border. Horbatiuk was an adviser to Chernyshov in the Ministry of Community Development, and later held the position of commercial director at the Naftogaz subsidiary after Chernyshov headed the holding.

It is currently unclear whether Chernyshov was warned about possible searches and therefore went abroad, or whether the trip was really a planned business trip. Also, there are no clear confirmations whether Horbatyuk was running away or really going on vacation with his family. But, according to Tkach, the totality of these events looks quite suspicious. Another close associate of Chernyshov, Vasyl Volodin, was detained at the same time. He was the state secretary of the Ministry of Regions under the leadership of Chernyshov, and later, following a similar trajectory, ended up in the leadership of Naftogaz.

The investigation believes that Volodin had the opportunity to organize an escape from the country, while Horbatyuk would potentially not have returned from abroad. That is why the law enforcement officers had to act quickly, even despite the absence of Chernyshov in the country. According to the journalist, these detentions were forced in order not to lose key figures in the case. Meanwhile, Chernyshov, while in the Czech Republic, according to the journalist, carefully followed the sessions of the High Anti-Corruption Court regarding preventive measures for Volodin and Horbatyuk. And it was there — actually during the court hearings — that information was heard, which can be interpreted as a direct indication of the role of Chernyshev himself in a large-scale scheme.

During these court hearings, the prosecutors announced the details of the case materials, in which, as “Ukrainian Pravda” notes, the role of Oleksiy Chernyshov appears directly. According to the version of the investigation, it is about a criminal scheme that was implemented during the period when Chernyshov headed the Ministry of Community and Territorial Development, and which could potentially cause losses to the state in the amount of more than one billion hryvnias.

According to prosecutors, developer Serhiy Kopistira developed a mechanism for illegally obtaining a plot of land in Kyiv for the purpose of building a residential complex. To implement this plan, he appealed to high-ranking officials of the Ministry, who created the conditions for the transfer of this land to a state-controlled enterprise. This state-owned enterprise bypassed the legal procedure and entered into investment contracts with the “necessary” construction company.

According to these contracts, the developer had to transfer to the state a certain number of apartments in the future residential complex – in proportion to the value of the provided land. However, in order to reduce the amount of apartments that were to become the property of the state, the value of the land and buildings on it was artificially reduced by almost five times. Thus, the state would not receive real estate in the amount of more than 1 billion hryvnias, since the estimated value of the land was underestimated.

In addition, according to the position of the investigation, after the implementation of this arrangement, the developer “rewarded” officials of the Ministry and persons designated by them with a significant discount on apartments in already built real estate objects. Thus, a system was created in which both parties — both the officials and the developer — received significant benefits at the expense of the state’s interests. These details were heard during court hearings and, according to journalist Mykhailo Tkach, became a strong signal for Chernyshov himself. After all, even if he does not yet have the official status of a suspect, the very course of events shows that his name is no longer just being mentioned – it is at the center of a specific corruption scheme, which the prosecutor’s office has actually begun to formalize.

In this context, the journalist returns to the political component of the case. After all, the key question is: why, despite all the previous risks, in December 2024 was it decided not just to remove Chernyshov from the orbit of influence, but on the contrary — to take him through the parliament, appoint him as deputy prime minister and create a new Ministry of National Unity for him?

The investigation notes that in order to be appointed to the position of Deputy Prime Minister, Chernyshov needed to head the ministry. That is why a new body of executive power was created specifically for him – the Ministry of National Unity of Ukraine. Such a structure enabled Chernyshov to have an official status, to be part of the Cabinet of Ministers, and at the same time to systematically work outside the country. Given the fact that he was already involved in the NABU case, this format of activity actually gave him completely legal grounds to leave Ukraine even during an active investigation.

Moreover, according to the political sources of the UP, after his appointment, Chernyshov did not immediately understand what he should do in the newly created department. The main task was meetings with Ukrainian refugees abroad, which, according to the journalist’s interlocutors, quickly transformed into political events with elements of agitation in favor of the current government.

The journalist also draws attention to the previous history of Chernyshov’s personal relationship with President Zelenskyi and his closest entourage. Oleksiy Chernyshov is the only member of the Cabinet of Ministers who attended the celebration of the president’s birthday in 2021 in Timur Mindich’s apartment, despite quarantine restrictions. Ten months later, he again turned out to be the only minister who came to the anniversary of the head of the Office of the President Andriy Yermak at the state dacha “Synihor” in the Carpathians.

Thus, the journalist suggests that Chernyshov is not just a high-ranking official, but, rather, an element of the inner core of the power vertical. This explains why the case, which has already reached the High Anti-Corruption Court and in which billions of dollars in losses are reported, has not yet led to the announcement of official suspicion against the minister.

Parallel to the way Oleksiy Chernyshov demonstrated public activity in foreign business trips, the events surrounding him in Ukraine escalated. As journalist Mykhailo Tkach notes, the persons involved in the case were one by one in the field of view of anti-corruption authorities. In the same week, when Chernyshov left for the Czech Republic by train, border guards detained Maksym Horbatyuk, his former adviser, and later the commercial director of one of Naftogaz’s subsidiaries. He was detained at the border with Poland. The question arose whether this trip was a planned vacation or an attempt to avoid responsibility.

Then there was another arrest – Vasyl Volodin, who was the state secretary during Chernyshov’s leadership in the Ministry of Regions, and then, together with him, moved to Naftogaz and became a member of the company’s board. The investigation believed that he had the resources to flee abroad, so they detained him immediately. According to the author of the investigation, these two detentions look like forced steps on the part of the investigation, since the main suspect — Chernyshov — was already outside Ukraine. Probably, the investigation did not want to lose those who were in the country, and promptly made arrests.

Special attention in the investigation was paid to the court session in the High Anti-Corruption Court. There, the prosecutors loudly voiced the facts that directly link Chernyshov to the corruption scheme. If earlier only information from the court decision appeared, now representatives of the SAP have already publicly named the details: underestimation of the value of state land, investment contracts with conditionally required contractors, state losses of more than a billion hryvnias, and the provision of discounted apartments to top officials as thanks for their assistance.

The investigation emphasizes that even in the absence of official suspicion, Chernyshov cannot help but understand that it was his role that was key in this whole construction. What’s more, he himself, according to the journalist, carefully followed the court sessions regarding his former subordinates, so he was aware of exactly how the prosecutors remember him.

The author concludes: the matter no longer just concerns the minister — it affects a high political level. And therefore, it can deal a reputational blow not only to Chernyshov, but also to Volodymyr Zelenskyi’s closest circle. At the same time, the journalist emphasizes: the case is proceeding slowly, without public disclosure by NABU or SAP, which may indicate an attempt to delay as much as possible the moment when the suspicion affects one of the government officials closest to the president.

Considering all the presented facts, “Ukrainian Pravda” shows not only the legal component, but also the political one – how personal connections and trust at the highest level can postpone or minimize public pressure. But at the same time, suspicions and investigative actions are not removed. The material records: the ground is already “burning” under Chernyshov’s feet, and although he is not officially a suspect, the case is rapidly approaching the moment when it will no longer be possible to stay away.

The editorial staff of IA “FAKT” is not the author of the facts and judgments presented in the material. All information presented in the text is based on the journalistic investigation of Mykhailo Tkach, published on the website of “Ukrainian Pravda”. We have only conveyed the essence of the published material in compliance with the principles of fair citation from open sources. The editors are not responsible for the reliability of the data provided in the investigation.