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FSB sees China as potential threat to Russia’s national security: The New York Times

Russia’s Federal Security Service (FSB) views China as a threat to national security — despite the Kremlin’s official rhetoric about a strategic partnership. This is evidenced by internal FSB documents obtained by the publication The New York Times. They refer to the active activities of Chinese intelligence on the territory of Russia, attempts to obtain secret military technologies, the recruitment of agents and the strengthening of Beijing’s influence in regions that Moscow considers its sphere of influence.

The journalists provided the documents, dated at the end of 2023 – the beginning of 2024, to Western intelligence officers, who confirmed their authenticity. According to the materials, the intelligence agency of the FSB is recording more and more signs that China is actively working against Russia in several directions. At the same time, the Kremlin does not allow China to be called an “enemy” in reports, referring to the political line of “friendship” promoted by Vladimir Putin personally.

One of the main vectors of interest of the Chinese special services is Russia’s war against Ukraine. According to the FSB analysis, Beijing is trying to find out what strategy Russia is using at the front, how the Russian weaponry manifests itself, as well as to assess the effectiveness of Western weapons, in particular from the EU and the USA. China is particularly interested in communications systems and drones.

As The New York Times points out, the reason for such interest may be China’s lack of experience in fighting major wars after the Vietnam War. So Beijing tries to study the tactics and techniques of other states in real combat conditions.

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Separately, the FSB pays attention to China’s attempts to acquire Russian technologies in the field of strategic aviation. In particular, it is about the possibility of luring Russian engineers who have access to sensitive developments to their side.

China is also pursuing its own strategy in Central Asia, a region that Russia traditionally considers part of its sphere of influence. FSB documents indicate that Beijing is already implementing its policies in countries such as Uzbekistan. It is not known whether China intends to push Russia out of the region, but the fact of activation has been confirmed.

Intelligence also believes that China is not limited to economic or political expansion. The FSB suspects Chinese organizations of actively seeking China’s historical roots in the Russian Far East and shaping public opinion about the possibility of making territorial claims.

Regarding the Arctic, Chinese analysts see the region as a promising area for the development of mining infrastructure. The FSB believes that China is waiting for the moment when Russia – due to sanctions and economic difficulties – will be forced to turn to Beijing for investment in Arctic projects.

According to the documents, Chinese intelligence services work with Russian officials, businessmen, scientists, engineers, journalists and experts close to the authorities. These interest groups are used to promote Beijing’s strategic goals within the Russian Federation.

China checks its agents after they return from Russia, and also closely monitors Russian students studying in the PRC. In response, the FSB conducts counterintelligence operations, but, as the documents indicate, their capabilities are limited by political considerations.

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Despite these threats, Russian intelligence cannot openly identify Beijing as a hostile power. According to the policy of the Kremlin, China is considered a “friendly country”. So in order to mention China’s threatening actions in official documents, FSB employees must obtain permission from the top management.

As The New York Times summarizes, the situation shows deep contradictions in Russian-Chinese relations: from the outside – diplomatic rhetoric of partnership, but in reality – growing concern within the intelligence services about China’s actions against Russia itself.

 

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