Mass mobilisation in Ukraine is increasingly turning into a bitter reality, where raids on the streets and in public places have become commonplace.
While ordinary citizens are literally caught at bus stops and shopping centres, corrupt structures continue to protect their own – officials, businessmen and those who have found connections or an envelope with money in time.This double standard destroys the very essence of justice and patriotism. Every case of the rich and powerful avoiding service breaks down trust in state institutions and turns the struggle for independence into a burden borne only by those who do not have the money to ‘solve the problem’. Is there any room for patriotism in a system where corruption is more important than duty to the country?What will such methods of mobilisation lead to?
Mobilisation has turned into a massive manhunt
The aggressive forceful and often illegal methods used by the representatives of the TCC for mobilisation have long been a source of deep indignation among Ukrainians.Instead of a clear and transparent procedure, society is increasingly witnessing violent round-ups, where men are detained without explanation and forcibly sent to territorial recruitment centres. These actions not only violate the rights of citizens, but also create an atmosphere of fear and distrust of the authorities.
Over time, people have learnt to resist and even attack recruitment centre staff.For example, in March, two residents of the village of Ploska, Vyzhnytsia district, Chernivtsi region, attacked TCC employees with axes.Recently, at the entrance to a village in Berehove district, Zakarpattia region, law enforcement officers recorded the second attack on a CCC vehicle by women in four days, and criminal proceedings were opened over the incident.
Forced mobilisation has even created a new term, ‘busification’, which has gained wide popularity in society.It refers to the detention of men and their forced loading into minibuses (‘buses’) during raids. This term has become a symbol of uncontrolled and brutal actions of the TCC, which do not respect human rights or the law. ‘Busification’ has already become a kind of norm in all regions, where men are literally caught on the streets, in shopping centres, and pulled out of cars on suburban highways and roads.
In recent years, mass raids on men organised by the TCC and the police have become an even more sensitive topic for Ukrainian society.Initially, many people thought that these actions were a fair mobilisation aimed at those who decided to hide from the war in entertainment venues and resorts, but these actions quickly took on a different character and Ukrainians’ opinions changed.People are outraged by the selectivity and ostentatiousness of the raids: while ordinary citizens are detained right in shopping malls or at concerts, the wealthy continue to avoid the frontline, hiding behind their connections and money.
The first serious signals of public outrage emerged after the raid on 11 October at the Okean Elzy concert, when the TCC and the police conducted a check among the visitors.The video of the men being literally ‘packed’ into minibuses quickly went viral on social media.The spectators who remained at large shouted ‘shame’ loudly, but this did not stop the process. The next day, a similar raid took place at a concert by stand-up comedian Anton Tymoshenko in Cherkasy. Paradoxically, the artist is actively raising funds for the needs of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, but even this did not stop the TCC and the police from raiding his audience.The men were checked right in the foyer of the regional philharmonic, and this fact only emphasises how selective and revealing these raids have become.
However, these are not the only examples. In western Ukraine, particularly in Bukovel, representatives of the CCC appeared right in the middle of the holiday season at a popular ski resort.The men who came to relax were unexpectedly ‘met’ by the military, who arranged a document check right on the slopes of the resort.In addition, there were reports on social media about raids at a car market near Ivano-Frankivsk and in restaurants in Yaremche, where men were literally caught among the customers of the establishments.Similar incidents have occurred in other cities.In Lviv, mass raids in public places were also recorded.For example, in August, the TCC raided a nightclub to check young men who had come to a party.Witnesses recall how the young men, who had only digital copies of their documents, were immediately taken to military commissariats.The TCCs explained their actions by saying that during the war, everyone had to do their duty.
One of the most scandalous incidents occurred in Kharkiv. At the Southern Railway Station, the UCC, together with the police, detained a 16-year-old boy and tried to take him to the military commissariat by force.A video showing the teenager being taken into a minibus quickly spread online, causing a wave of outrage.Passers-by were able to save the boy, but the incident became a symbol of the fact that raids sometimes border on the absurd.At the same time, everyone understands that after such raids, the ‘majors’ will still pay off, and only the poor will be sent to war. This causes outright distrust of the mobilisation system, as questions of social justice and equality in the performance of military duty remain unanswered.
Mobilisation for a select few
Unfair mobilisation in Ukraine has become a kind of ‘ticket to war’ for those who have neither money nor connections.As the TCCs persist in catching men on the streets, in shopping centres, clubs and even at concerts, new scandals surface about how the state elite turns the law into a joke. For ordinary people, mobilisation looks like a lottery in which the main prize is a bus to the military enlistment office. And when you are in the ‘rich league’, it turns out that instead of the frontline, you can ‘write out’ a disability or a reservation, and comfortably watch others fight. For example, in July this year, journalists published an investigation that showed that dozens of wealthy Ukrainians were able to ‘pay off’ mobilisation by paying for medical certificates or simply through influential contacts.
The case of the head of the Khmelnytsky MSEC (medical and social examination), a member of the regional council from the Servant of the People party, Tetiana Krupa, who was detained for illegal enrichment, caused a wide response. What can I say? 5 million dollars, 300,000 euros, more than 5 million hryvnias and valuable jewellery is probably a new form of mobilisation support for the Armed Forces, as so much cash in her apartment could easily be turned into several tank units. The official was not even confused – she tried to throw some of the money out the window, although given her income, it is surprising that she did not throw away the whole suitcase.
However, the most interesting thing is the list of forged medical documents that were found during her search. It turns out that Krupa not only had a taste for expensive jewellery, but was also a master at creating ‘disabled’ prosecutors – fifty prosecutors in Khmelnytskyi region suddenly turned into people with disabilities. And, of course, they did this not because of injuries, but because of forged certificates created under the official’s watchful eye.Instead of being an example of law-abidingness, the prosecutor heroes decided that the best way to ‘get around’ mobilisation was to use a group II disability. An internal investigation is currently being conducted into this matter by order of the Prosecutor General.
And this is just one case that made the headlines.North Korea has reportedly received technological assistance from Russia for its nuclear and space programmes.
Putin avoids mobilisation
According to the Institute for the Study of War, the Kremlin is likely to use the recent Comprehensive Strategic Partnership Agreement between Russia and North Korea, signed in June 2024, to partially offset the need to build up Russian military forces and ensure border security.It also shows that Russian President Vladimir Putin is keen to avoid mobilisation for as long as possible.A partnership with North Korea could help Russia fill its military resource gap by providing military and technical support.
The involvement of the North Korean military in the war on Russia’s side is another indication of the deep crisis the Kremlin has found itself in due to its aggression against Ukraine.
This step reinforces the international isolation of both Russia and North Korea, deepening their cooperation against the world order.At the same time, the war in Ukraine is becoming a testing ground for Pyongyang’s weapons, which could lead to further escalation on other fronts, particularly in the Asia-Pacific region.
According to the CPJ, the hostile media deliberately present the situation as ‘lawlessness’ and give it more resonance than it needs. However, Ukrainians who witnessed these raids have a completely different opinion – for them, these are not just news footage, but a reality in which ordinary people are victims of demonstration raids.
The Verkhovna Rada also found an explanation for these actions – ‘unconsciousness of conscripts’. According to Oleksandr Fediyenko, a member of the National Security Committee, about 6 million Ukrainians have not updated their data in the registers. He believes that the ‘evaders’ are hiding and paying fines, while those who have been on the frontline for a long time need rotation and rest. It sounds logical: yes, the losses in the Armed Forces are high, and they need to be replenished, but is this a reason for such methods?
In contrast to this rhetoric, there is another telling point: in June 2024, MP Fedir Venislavskyi stated that the law on strengthening mobilisation was effective, and most Ukrainians had already updated their data. So, the question is: how can two members of the same committee provide such different statistics? One of the hottest topics is the pace of mobilisation, which seems to already meet the expectations of the Ministry of Defence and the General Staff. But if this is the case, then why the demonstration raids in crowded places?
This raises another question: will a man being ‘packed’ in a bead in front of hundreds of people become a more motivated fighter? Of course not. Such methods have nothing to do with a real mobilisation campaign aimed at defending the country. The problem is that these raids are not a strategy to replenish the army, but an attempt to create the appearance of ‘justice’, saying that ‘we are mobilising everyone, even those who are on holiday’. But which of these people will actually end up on the front line? The answer is obvious. In the end, the main burden of the war still falls on the shoulders of those who have neither the connections nor the financial means to ‘solve the problem’.
It is also worth noting that the raids seriously damage communication between the state and society. Ukrainians see neither justice nor sense in these actions. The demonstrative actions of the TCC turn mobilisation into a war of our own against theirs, where anyone can become a target if they are ‘in the wrong place at the wrong time’. At the same time, this gives new reasons for Russian propaganda, which successfully inflates these incidents, presenting Ukraine as a country of lawlessness. Thus, instead of boosting the morale of the nation, such actions only increase frustration and distrust.
The main responsibility for this failure of mobilisation policy and communications lies with the state. Running through the streets and grabbing people during raids at a time when most citizens are already ‘digitised’ and known to the system looks like creating the appearance of work.
Fair mobilisation means, first of all, equality of all before the law. This means that there are no privileged individuals who can avoid service because of financial means or connections. The absence of bribery in the Military Commissariats, MSEC and other structures should be the basis for ensuring a fair mobilisation campaign. Every person liable for military service must fulfil their duty to the country on equal terms, without the possibility of ‘solving the issue’ for money or through forged medical certificates. As long as corruption in these structures is rampant, we should not expect Ukrainians to volunteer to defend their country. People are well aware that while some people are buying certificates and disabilities or sitting in offices, others are forced to bear the brunt of the war.
Many people also ask the question: why not send the employees of the CCC themselves to the frontline – a large army of professional military personnel whom the state has been training for years? This question is not just on the surface, it literally screams out for attention. After all, those who know military affairs perfectly well, have experience and training, continue to sit in warm offices, while people without proper training are sent to the frontline. Has the state invested time and resources in training professionals only to have them fill out paperwork and catch people on the streets, while ordinary citizens are pushed to the front line?
Will there be justice? The question remains rhetorical. Of course, there is a war in the country, and we cannot forget that. Exhausted soldiers who have been in combat positions for a long time desperately need rotation and rest. In addition, the army has suffered heavy losses that need to be replenished. But is it possible to do so by such methods? Until there is justice in the approach to mobilisation, there is no point in expecting Ukrainians to want to fight. Injustice breeds distrust in the government, and this inevitably leads to a drop in morale and an increase in social tension. If the state continues to ignore these problems, it risks not only losing the support of citizens, but also finding itself on the verge of an internal split, which will negatively affect the country’s defence capability.
